Showing posts with label White House. Show all posts
Showing posts with label White House. Show all posts

Sunday, August 10, 2008

Habash letter was forged - but by who?

EmptyWheel points out that it is well known that the Habash letter was forged. What isn't so clear yet is who exactly forged it.

EmptyWheel's fact-based logical dissection of the situation highlights a number of elements of the bureaucratic in-fighting that was going on then. Go read it and see if you agree with her conclusion:
At this point, I'm not sure what confluence of bureaucratic in-fighting in the Administration concocted that letter--it could be any weird combination of contributions. But one thing seems clear. That letter was a US-backed forgery.
That was Ron Suskind's main point. The Habash letter was a US-backed forgery.

And I would have to add that the substance of the letter demonstrates that it was intended to bolster the White House pro-Iraq Invasion propaganda. It cannot be any coincidence that the letter alleged to confirm both the (unlikely) confluence between al Qaeda and Saddam as well as Saddam's alleged (and soon debunked) effort to buy yellow cake uranium in Africa.

All we need to do now is pinpoint the forger himself.

Tuesday, December 04, 2007

Bush lies; Podhoretz exhibits symptoms of paranoia

The Director of National Intelligence, is a surprise move over the weekend, released the declassified National Intelligence Estimate that reported
We judge with high confidence that in fall 2003, Tehran halted its nuclear weapons program1; we also assess with moderate-to-high confidence that Tehran at a minimum is keeping open the option to develop nuclear weapons. We judge with high confidence that the halt, and Tehran’s announcement of its decision to suspend its declared uranium
enrichment program and sign an Additional Protocol to its Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Safeguards Agreement, was directed primarily in response to increasing international scrutiny and pressure resulting from exposure of Iran’s previously undeclared nuclear work.
• We assess with high confidence that until fall 2003, Iranian military entities were working under government direction to develop nuclear weapons.
• We judge with high confidence that the halt lasted at least several years. (Because of intelligence gaps discussed elsewhere in this Estimate, however, DOE and the NIC assess with only moderate confidence that the halt to those activities represents a halt to Iran's entire nuclear weapons program.)
• We assess with moderate confidence Tehran had not restarted its nuclear weapons program as of mid-2007, but we do not know whether it currently intends to develop nuclear weapons.
• We continue to assess with moderate-to-high confidence that Iran does not currently have a nuclear weapon.
• Tehran’s decision to halt its nuclear weapons program suggests it is less determined to develop nuclear weapons than we have been judging since 2005. Our assessment that the program probably was halted primarily in response to international pressure suggests Iran may be more vulnerable to influence on the issue than we judged previously.
This completely reverses the conclusions of the NIE released in 2005 which stated that Iran had an active nuclear program and was working to obtain nuclear weapons. This NIE has been ready for over a year, but as Gareth Porter has reported,
WASHINGTON, Nov 8 (IPS) - A National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on Iran has been held up for more than a year in an effort to force the intelligence community to remove dissenting judgments on the Iranian nuclear programme, and thus make the document more supportive of U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney's militarily aggressive policy toward Iran, according to accounts of the process provided by participants to two former Central Intelligence Agency officers.

But this pressure on intelligence analysts, obviously instigated by Cheney himself, has not produced a draft estimate without those dissenting views, these sources say. The White House has now apparently decided to release the unsatisfactory draft NIE, but without making its key findings public.
So the White House has been threatening to attack Iran. Bush has gone so far as to warn the American public that the danger of Iran getting nuclear weapons is so great that such an attack on Iran will be needed to prevent WW III . So the question now is how long has Bush and the senior White House officials known that Iran had shut down its nuclear weapon program in 2003?

From AP News through TPM:"Bush said Tuesday that he only learned of the new intelligence assessment last week." But is that true? [*]

It is contradicted by the Washington Post which reports that
... when intelligence officials began briefing senior members of the Bush administration on the intercepts, beginning in July, the policymakers expressed skepticism. Several of the president's top advisers suggested the intercepts were part of a clever Iranian deception campaign, the officials said.
Why did the White House not believe earlier Intelligence stating that the Iranians had shut down their nuclear weapon program? Why has President Bush been threatening the American public and the nation of Iran with information that his senior advisers have been told by Intelligence professionals is not true? A close adviser of Dick Cheney and a key member of the group called NeoCons is Norman Podhoretz. Here is what he has to say:
I entertain an even darker suspicion. It is that the intelligence community, which has for some years now been leaking material calculated to undermine George W. Bush, is doing it again. This time the purpose is to head off the possibility that the President may order air strikes on the Iranian nuclear installations. As the intelligence community must know, if he were to do so, it would be as a last resort, only after it had become undeniable that neither negotiations nor sanctions could prevent Iran from getting the bomb, and only after being convinced that it was very close to succeeding. How better, then, to stop Bush in his tracks than by telling him and the world that such pressures have already been effective and that keeping them up could well bring about “a halt to Iran’s entire nuclear weapons program”—especially if the negotiations and sanctions were combined with a goodly dose of appeasement or, in the NIE’s own euphemistic formulation, “with opportunities for Iran to achieve its security, prestige, and goals for regional influence in other ways.”
Podhoretz' response is clear paranoia. He doesn't trust the Iranians, and he thinks that the senior American Intelligence professionals favor Iran over George Bush. Podhoretz is a man who has the ear of Dick Cheney (who has himself provided indications of the same paranoid thought), who firmly believed that Saddam Hussein had a nuclear program and, since he did not believe the reports from the inspectors in Iraq, that only an invasion of Iraq could stop him.

Podhoretz is also a key foreign policy adviser to Rudolph Giuliani who seems to have a similar desire for war against .... well, right now against someone who is Muslim. But give him some other enemy. I'm sure that both Giuliani and Podhoretz will be happy to start a war with them also, whoever they might be.

The horribly botched invasion of Iraq was based on lies from these paranoids, and they are all actively pushing for an attack on Iran now. The White House is populated by paranoids who don't trust anyone, and when told their stories are wrong, continue to tell those stories to the public while working to prevent people from learning of any evidence that contradicts those stories - stories which are lies.

So what we see is a case in which qualified Intelligence professionals are telling Bush and the White House that the Iranians no longer have an active nuclear program, but he and his White House subordinates don't believe them because they assume that those professionals are out to get the President. The result is either than no one is telling Bush that the stories and speeches written for him by his apparently equally paranoid speechwriters are lies or Bush simply doesn't have the ability to discern truth from a lie and simply goes with whatever the paranoids around him tell him to say.

Fourteen more months until Bush leaves office. No President in America's history has been more destructive to the American nation. How much more damage will they do in the next fourteen months?


Addendum 5:08 PM CST
[*] Greg Sargent points out how the Washington Post editors let Bush skate on his lie about when he learned that the Iranians had closed down their effort to obtain nuclear weapons in 2003.

Has Bush every told the truth anytime since he was appointed President? Excluding simple administrative matters, such as "I am standing here right now" of course. Though it wouldn't surprise me to find him lying about stuff like that, either.

Tuesday, July 10, 2007

Refurbished White House Press room opened.

This is interesting news. White House Press Corp Welcomed Back Into Refurbished, Rat-Free Briefing Room.

But - but - if it was to be rat-free, why are they letting White House reporters in? Special dispensations for selected rats?

Saturday, April 28, 2007

Standard White House lie - "Clinton did it!"

The players in this little drama are a reporter (Q) and the Press Secretary, Dana Perino (MS. PERINO). The setting is another White House Press Briefing.

This scene started when the reporter asked Ms. Perino about the political briefings to political appointees assigned to federal agencies. The first question was:
Q Okay, on the political briefings, there seems — there’s no shortage of political information out there. Why does the White House feel it’s necessary to give these employees these briefings in the first place?
The White House spokesperson first tried misdirection. Note how she fails to answer the question.
MS. PERINO: I think that’s kind of ridiculous question. I mean, there’s — sorry, I usually don’t say those things, but I do think that that one was. Look, there is nothing wrong with political appointees providing other political appointees with an informational briefing about the political landscape in which they are working.
Kudos to the reporter. Here is the followup.
Q I understand. That’s not an answer, as ridiculous as the question was.
She tries more obfuscation, along with belittling.
MS. PERINO: What, you think that we should just look at the CBS/New York Times poll and make our decisions based on that?
This is followed by the reporter trying to frame a more specific question so as to get a real answer, with Ms. Perino doing what I would have to call filibustering. Her responses are a little more closely related to the question than reading the telephone book would be, but not much.
Q It’s 20 briefings –

MS. PERINO: Jim would agree.

Q Well, I’m trying to get to the motivation for this, and it’s 20 briefings –

MS. PERINO: The motivation is to provide people information.

Q But why? Why do they need this information –

MS. PERINO: Why are you asking me these questions? You’re asking information, as well.

Q No, no, but –

MS. PERINO: My point was that you’re asking –

Q Was there any intent to try to tell people that they need to do something about the election, and to take some action?

MS. PERINO: These are information — they’re informational briefings about the political landscape.
Clearly Ms. Perino is wriggling like an eel caught on a fishing line trying to avoid any substantive answer. But she actually used the word "intent" from the question in her answer, and the reporter jumped on this as a possible way to pin her down. So he expands on the idea of "intent" in his next followup.
Q Okay, so there was — there was no intent to do that? Who — did they ask for the briefings, or was it the White House that decided they wanted to give these briefings?
Ms. Perino seems to have decided that this was a way out of her dilemma. Pure non-answers weren't working, and both she and the reporter knew it. Maybe a different type of non-answer?
MS. PERINO: I think it sort of goes both ways. I do know that political appointees around the government — I used to work at an agency, and you are interested in — the reason that you’re here working for the President is that you want to support his policies and his agenda, and so it’s good to get information from time to time.
It was a slightly different tack, so the reporter riffs off of her response to throw in a new question.
Q Well, who’s idea — it was the White House idea, initially, or was it the agencies?
To which Ms. Perino responded with what must have seemed safe as she said it, but is simply a lie.
MS. PERINO: I think that these briefings — well, I know the Clinton administration had similar briefings. Where did they originate? I don’t know. I couldn’t give you a date.
Sure she doesn't know when they originated. She is dreaming it up on the spot. But it effectively closes down that line of questioning for the moment because no one at the Press gaggle could do effective real-time fact-checking.

These meetings on government property were clearly violations of the Hatch Act which has been in effect since 1939. It is a basic part of the mechanism of governing this nation. Either the members of the Bush administration knew about the Hatch Act and knew they were violating it, or they did not know and refused to listen when someone told them about it. They were knowingly violating the law. But their spokesperson, Ms. Perino, cannot stand up and say that "Oops. We goofed." This administration does not say that.

Lies are better than admissions of crimes. Ask any modern Republican. Ask Rove. Of course, he'll lie, but ask him anyway.

[Note: the transcript is from Think Progress.]

Wednesday, April 18, 2007

Reid, Pelosi warned Bush to expect a real fight.

Bush met at the White House with Congressional leaders today about the supplemental funding bill for the war in Iraq. Greg Sargent has what he calls some "color" from the confrontation:
A source familiar with the meeting -- at which no compromise of any kind was reached, though Speaker Nancy Pelosi said publicly today that it had been "productive" -- shares a few interesting tidbits. First, the source says, Bush bristled and was taken aback when Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid compared the current situation to Vietnam; he also appeared irked by those who said the war couldn't be won.

Second, according to the source, Reid told Bush that he understood that the White House would come after Congressional Dems after the veto of the bill with everything they had; Reid vowed to respond every bit as aggressively.

"Reid talked about a recent conversation he had with a retired general where they talked about the similarities between the current situation and Vietnam," the source relates. "He talked about how the President and Secretary of Defense [during Vietnam] knew that the war was lost but continued to press on at the cost of thousands of additional lives lost."

"The analogy to Vietnam appeared to touch a nerve with the President. He appeared a little sensitive to it," the source continued. "And he clearly didn't like to hear people in the room say that the war couldn't be won militarily."

More: "Reid made it clear to the President that he understood that the President and Vice President after the veto would come after him and Speaker Pelosi with everything they have. Reid said that he and Pelosi would respond just as aggressively. He said he was convinced that they were on the right side of the issue."
It doesn't look like Reid and Pelosi are going to back down. Bush is a bully, and when meeting this kind of opposition, Bully's frequently do back down. However, Cheney is crazy and Rove will not accept any single decision that threatens Republican election possibilities in 2008, and I suspect that Rove would view a retreat by Bush as such a threat.

This is going to be interesting.

Sunday, April 01, 2007

Bushies use RNC email accounts for official business

One of the more recent revelations from the House oversight hearings has been that a lot of top administration officials have been given access to Republican National Committee email accounts and use them rather than use the official government email accounts which are subject to archival rules.
...several White House aides “said that they stopped using the White House system except for purely professional correspondence. … ‘We knew E-mails could be subpoenaed.' said one aide.
The Think Progress article provides some examples of administration staffers using the RNC email system to avoid the possibility that Congress would subpoena the emails.

A strong indicator that decisions to use this non-government email system was mostly based on a combination of fear of the emails being subpoenaed and on pure laziness by rushed individuals is that apparently there was no consideration given to the fact that (as Kevin Drum has pointed out) this may eliminate the possibility of using the legal doctrine of Executive Privilege to keep the information in those RNC emails from being given to the Congressional oversight committees. If this were White House policy, then whoever established the policy would have had to pass it by the White House Counsel who would have considered such potential downsides.

Oh, wait. This is not a White House or an administration that "does policy," is it?

Tuesday, March 20, 2007

Bush White House - all politics, no policy

Why have the supposedly smart people in the Bush Administration been dogged by a level of total failure not previously seen in any modern American Administration? The explanation goes back to an observation made by John DiIulio and published by Ron Suskind.

This is actually an old observation from 2002, but it remains true. From Ron Suskind who wrote the book The Price of Loyalty: George W. Bush, the White House, and the Education of Paul O'Neill (currently $3.98 at Barnes & Noble):
President George W. Bush called John DiIulio "one of the most influential social entrepreneurs in America" when he appointed the University of Pennsylvania professor, author, historian, and domestic-affairs expert to head the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives. He was the Bush administration’s big brain, controversial but deeply respected by Republicans and Democrats, academicians and policy players. The appointment was rightfully hailed: DiIulio provided gravity to national policy debates and launched the most innovative of President Bush’s campaign ideas—the faith-based initiative, which he managed until this past February, the last four months from Philadelphia.

"There is no precedent in any modern White House for what is going on in this one: a complete lack of a policy apparatus," says DiIulio. "What you’ve got is everything—and I mean everything—being run by the political arm. It’s the reign of the Mayberry Machiavellis."

In a seven-page letter sent a few weeks after our first conversation, DiIulio, who still considers himself a passionate supporter of the president, offers a detailed account and critique of the time he spent in the Bush White House.

"I heard many, many staff discussions but not three meaningful, substantive policy discussions," he writes. "There were no actual policy white papers on domestic issues. There were, truth be told, only a couple of people in the West Wing who worried at all about policy substance and analysis, and they were even more overworked than the stereotypical nonstop, twenty-hour-a-day White House staff. Every modern presidency moves on the fly, but on social policy and related issues, the lack of even basic policy knowledge, and the only casual interest in knowing more, was somewhat breathtaking: discussions by fairly senior people who meant Medicaid but were talking Medicare; near-instant shifts from discussing any actual policy pros and cons to discussing political communications, media strategy, et cetera. Even quite junior staff would sometimes hear quite senior staff pooh-pooh any need to dig deeper for pertinent information on a given issue."

Like David Stockman, the whip-smart budget director to Ronald Reagan who twenty years ago revealed that Reagan’s budget numbers didn’t add up, DiIulio is this administration’s first credible, independent witness—a sovereign who supports his president but must, nonetheless, speak his mind.

Sources in the West Wing, echoing DiIulio’s comments, say that even cursory discussion of domestic policy became much less frequent after September 11, 2001, with the exception of Homeland Security. Meanwhile, the department of "Strategery," or the "Strategery Group," depending on the source, has steadily grown. The term, coined in 2000 by Saturday Night Live’s Will Ferrell, started as a joke at the White House, too, but has actually become a term of art meaning the oversight of any activity—from substantive policy to ideological stance to public event—by the president’s political thinkers.

"It’s a revealing shorthand," says one White House staff member. "Yes, the president sometimes trips, rhetorically, but it doesn’t matter as long as we keep our eye on the ball politically."

This approach to policy-making is a fairly radical departure from the customary relationship between White House political directors and policy professionals. Each has always influenced the other, of course, but the political office has rarely been so central to guiding policy in virtually every area, deciding what is promoted and what is tabled.

"Besides the tax cut, which was cut-and-dried during the campaign," DiIulio writes, "and the education bill, which was really a Ted Kennedy bill, the administration has not done much, either in absolute terms or in comparison with previous administrations at this stage, on domestic policy. There is a virtual absence as yet of any policy accomplishments that might, to a fair-minded nonpartisan, count as the flesh on the bones of so-called compassionate conservatism. There is still two years, maybe six, for them to do more and better on domestic policy and, specifically, on the compassion agenda. And, needless to say, 9/11, and now the global war on terror and the new homeland- and national-security plans, must be weighed in the balance. But, as I think Andy Card himself told you in so many words, even allowing for those huge contextual realities, they could stand to find ways of inserting more serious policy fiber into the West Wing diet and engage much less in on-the-fly policy-making by speechmaking."
[Emphasis is mine - PPS Editor]
This pretty much explains the failures of the Bush Administration. They decide what they want to do, then determine how it will play out politically to the domestic audience. Having done that, any objections that the policy people bring up regarding how the project is to be done or what the likely results, especially downside results, are ignored.

This is a perfect explanation for why all the White House initiatives seem to be based entirely on political stereotypes and do not seem to have connection to real facts.

A quotation I found fascinating when studying Public Relations is "PERCEPTIONS are the REALITY we work with." Political operators and Public Relations operators differ only in who they are working for. So consider what it means to make Perceptions equal to Reality.

If getting power depends on the Republican base, and the Republican base holds the perception that the Earth was created in 4004 BCE, that evolution is a crock, and that the signs warn that Christ is about to return and all believers will be elevated into Heaven to sit at the right hand of God, then that becomes the Reality that the White House must operate in.

This is the glue that holds to politically active secular Republicans and the politically active Libertarians together with the Social Conservatives. Since the Social Conservatives outnumber both other major Republican sub-groups, the White House will act to please the perceptions of the Social Conservatives. Since the most politically active Social Conservative leaders consider the restrictions of policy-makers to be anathema, the White House must go along to retain power. That is the Reality the White House functions in.

This explains the priorities of the White House culture. It is aided and abetted by the fact that George W. Bush has no real interest in how government actually operates, so that policy operators have no way to get his interest. Bush clearly loves the political process, however, so the Political operators always can get his attention. This sets the priorities for the culture of the White House organization. Bush's intuitive decision process, which excludes rational consideration of policies and ideas feeds into this Politics-over-Policy and ignore-Reality culture. Since Bush considers changing his mind to be a weakness, there is no way for a policy operator who functions in unavoidable facts to reach his interests and convince him to change a decision already published in speeches.

Consider New Orleans. A Budget is a political document, and can be measured for effectiveness by its political repercussions. Funds allocated and actually spent on levees are reality. The results, however, do not become clear until the Hurricane hits. If politics trump policy, and the immediate results of cutting the budget allocations for levee building are obvious, then it becomes easy to ignore the dangers that may or may not occur later during hurricane season.

Since the biggest foreseeable security threats to the U.S. were identified to be
  • A major terrorist attack on a large American city,
  • A major hurricane hitting New Orleans, and
  • A major earthquake hitting California, particularly in San Francisco.
the policy wonks knew early on in the Bush administration what they needed to work on. But the priorities the Bush administration came in to office with were
  • An anti-missile defense system,
  • Tax Cuts and
  • Avoid doing anything that the Clinton White House did.
it should be obvious why no preparations were made for the major policy needs listed above. Then the culture and the attitude of George W. Bush ensured that no contrary ideas could be acted on.

So what happened after 9/11? Since a terrorist attack on a major American city had been only a possibility before 9/11 and it had no major national political constituency demanding it, the Bush administration essentially ignored that possibility at the highest levels. It didn't help a bit that the Clinton administration were pushing the new Bush people to give terrorism the highest priority at the highest level. Politically the Bush people catered to their supporters by down-playing everything Clinton. For a clear description of how they did this, read Against All Enemies: Inside America's War on Terror by Richard A. Clarke. (A used copy is $1.99 plus $3.98 postage.)

The well-publicized success of the 19 plane hijackers as they hit the WTC (on TV and the Pentagon changed the White House priorities towards "A major terrorist attack on a large American city" from a mere Policy possibility to Political threat.

The reaction was, of course, political, not policy. First the problem was to control the public information that was gained by investigations into what the administration had done to prevent terrorist actions.

The strong effort to secrecy is that major protection the administration has had. We don't know what they did wrong because we don't know what they actually did. Then the 9/11 Commission was resisted until the resistance became too much of a political liability. Then the 9/11 Commission was established, but effectively neutered. anyone who thinks the final 9/11 report reflects what their investigators actually learned does not understand this White House. They didn't have to be honest, since the Republicans controlled Congress as well as the White House by the time the 9/11 Commission got started.

After the self-protection efforts were started, the next thing was to determine (politically) how to punish the terrorists. The political pressure on the White House required that we attack Afghanistan, so grudgingly, the Bush administration attacked Afghanistan.

But the NeoCons had been pushing for an attack on Iraq to "finish the job left undone during the 1991 Persian Gulf War." Again, this was a political position, with reasonable political justifications if the audience was the American voters. Politically this could be justified if Iraq was connected to the massive political upset caused by 9/11. How that was done is covered in Anatomy of Deceit by Marcy Wheeler and has been somewhat documented in the Firedoglake liveblog of the Libby trial. [If you are interested, click "Liveblog" in the labels below for my posts that link to the full Firedoglake liveblog of the Libby trial.]The important point to be made here is that, again, it was politically motivated. Policy and expert experience in Iraq were specifically excluded from consideration in determining why and how to attack Iraq.

The point of this essay is that this administration has a strict culture in which politics determines what they do, and policy is actively repressed. As long as the Social Conservatives are their largest political block and Bush is in office, this is not going to change.

Notice that 9/11 was not a reason to change the way they make decisions. The result is that when Hurricanes Katrina and Rita hit the Gulf Coast, the reaction was the same. First avoid blame, second blame the Democrats in Louisiana, and third make promises. Action has not been any top priority in the White House. They literally don't know how to cause the government to act strongly and effectively.

So I am really glad that I don't live in San Francisco over the next two years or so. The Federal government is not ready for that expected earthquake, since the timing is still unknowable.

Wednesday, January 31, 2007

Who is close to the President? Plan of West Wing.

Dan Froomkin provides a floor plan of the West Wing of the White House, and an explanation of what the various locations mean as symbols of power. When you see someone from the White House on TV, this will give you a graphic view of how much real power they have.

It's interesting to see who has the corner offices. On the first floor, west side you have Josh Bolton (CoS) with a corner office then Dick Cheney with a middle office, and the other corner belongs to Steve Hadley the National Security Advisor. And Rove is central to all three of those guys. He is real close to the President, but has no windows.

The second floor is less interesting.

[H/T to Steve Clemons.]